Channel 10, one of Israel’s three TV
channels, aired a report this week that surely frightened a lot of viewers.
Its title was “Who is Organizing the World-wide Hatred of Israel Movement?”,
and its subject: the dozens of groups in various countries which are
conducting a vigorous propaganda campaign for the Palestinians and against
Israel.
The activists interviewed, both male
and female, young and old - quite a number of them Jews - demonstrate at
supermarkets against the products of the settlements and/or of Israel in
general, organize mass meetings, make speeches, mobilize trade unions, file
lawsuits against Israeli politicians and generals.
According to the report, the various
groups use similar methods, but there is no central leadership. It even quotes
(without attribution, of course) the title of one of my recent articles, “The
Protocols of the Elders of Anti-Zion” and it, too, asserts that there is no
such thing. Indeed, there is no need for a world-wide organization, it says,
because all over the place there is a spontaneous surge of pro-Palestinian and
anti-Israeli feeling. Recently, following the ”Cast Lead” operation and the
flotilla affair, this process has gathered momentum.
In many places, the report discloses,
there are now red-green coalitions: cooperation between leftist human-rights
bodies and local groups of Muslim immigrants.
The conclusion of the story: this is a
great danger to Israel and we must mobilize against it before it is too late.
THE FIRST question that arose in my mind was: what impact is this report going
to have on the average Israeli?
I wish I could be sure that it will
cause him or her to think again about the viability of the occupation. As one
of the activists interviewed said: the Israelis must be brought to understand
that the occupation has a price tag.
I wish I believed that this would be
the reaction of most Israelis. However, I am afraid that the effect could be
very different.
As the jolly song of the 70s goes:
“The whole world is against us / That’s not so terrible, we shall overcome. /
For we, too, don’t give a damn / For them. // … We have learned this song /
From our forefathers / And we shall also sing it / To our sons. / And the
grandchildren of our grandchildren will sing it / Here, in the Land of Israel,
/ And everybody who is against us / Can go to hell.”
The writer of this song, Yoram
Taharlev (“pure of heart”) has succeeded in expressing a basic Jewish belief,
crystallized during the centuries of persecution in Christian Europe which
reached its climax in the Holocaust. Every Jewish child learns in school that
when six million Jews were murdered, the entire world looked on and didn’t
lift a finger to save them.
This is not quite true. Many tens of
thousands of non-Jews risked their lives and the lives of their families in
order to save Jews – in Poland, Denmark, France, Holland and other countries,
even in Germany itself. We all know about people who were saved this way -
like former Supreme Court President Aharon Barak, who as a child was smuggled
out of the ghetto by a Polish farmer, and Minister Yossi Peled, who was hidden
for years by a Catholic Belgian family. Only a few of these largely unsung
heroes were cited as “Righteous among the Nations” by Yad Vashem. (Between us,
how many Israelis in a similar situation would risk their lives and the lives
of their children in order to save a foreigner?)
But the belief that “the whole world
is against us” is rooted deep in our national psyche. It enables us to ignore
the world reaction to our behavior. It is very convenient. If the entire world
hates us anyhow, the nature of our deeds, good or bad, doesn’t really matter.
They would hate Israel even if we were angels. The Goyim are just
anti-Semitic.
It is easy to show that this is also
untrue. The world loved us when we founded the State of Israel and defended it
with our blood. A day after the Six-day War, the whole world applauded us.
They loved us when we were David, they hate us when we are Goliath.
This does not convince the
world-against-us people. Why is there no world-wide movement against the
atrocities of the Russians in Chechnya or the Chinese in Tibet? Why only
against us? Why do the Palestinians deserve more sympathy than the Kurds in
Turkey?
One could answer that since Israel
demands special treatment in all other matters, we are measured by special
standards when it comes to the occupation and the settlements. But logic
doesn’t matter. It’s the national myths that count.
Yesterday, Israel’s third largest
newspaper, Ma’ariv, published a story about our ambassador to the United
Nations under the revealing headline: “Behind enemy lines”.
I REMEMBER one of the clashes I had with Golda Meir in the Knesset, after the
beginning of the settlement enterprise and the angry reactions throughout the
world. As now, people put all the blame on our faulty “explaining”. The
Knesset held a general debate.
Speaker after speaker declaimed the
usual clichés: the Arab propaganda is brilliant, our “explaining” is beneath
contempt. When my turn came, I said: It’s not the fault of the “explaining”.
The best “explaining” in the world cannot “explain” the occupation and the
settlements. If we want to gain the sympathy of the world, it’s not our words
that must change, but our actions.
Throughout the debate, Golda Meir – as
was her wont – stood at the door of the plenum hall, chain-smoking. Summing
up, she answered every speaker in turn, ignoring my speech. I thought that she
had decided to boycott me, when – after a dramatic pause – she turned in my
direction. “Deputy Avnery thinks that they hate us because of what we do. He
does not know the Goyim. The Goyim love the Jews when they are beaten and
miserable. They hate the Jews when they are victorious and successful.” If
clapping were allowed in the Knesset, the whole House would have burst into
thunderous applause.
There is a danger that the current
worldwide protest will meet the same reaction: that the Israeli public will
unite against the evil Goyim, instead of uniting against the settlers.
SOME OF the protest groups could not care less. Their actions are not
addressed to the Israeli public, but to international opinion.
I don’t mean the anti-Semites, who are
trying to hitch a ride on this movement. They are a negligible force. Neither
do I mean those who believe that the creation of the State of Israel was a
historical mistake to start with, and that it should be dismantled.
I mean all the idealists who wish to
put an end to the suffering of the Palestinian people and the stealing of
their land by the settlers, and to help them to found the free State of
Palestine.
These aims can be achieved only
through peace between Palestine and Israel. And such a peace can come about
only if the majority of Palestinians and the majority of Israelis support it.
Outside pressure will not suffice.
Anyone who understands this must be
interested in a world-wide protest that does not push the Israeli population
into the arms of the settlers, but, on the contrary, isolates the settlers and
turns the general public against them.
How can this be achieved?
THE FIRST thing is to clearly differentiate between the boycott of the
settlements and a general boycott of Israel. The TV report suggested that many
of the protesters do not see the border between the two. It showed a
middle-aged British woman in a supermarket, waving some fruit over her head
and shouting: “these come from a settlement!” Then it showed a demonstration
against the Ahava cosmetic products that are extracted from the Palestinian
part of the Dead Sea. But immediately after, there came a call for a boycott
of all Israeli products. Perhaps many of the protesters – or the editors of
the film - are not clear about the difference.
The Israeli right also blurs this
distinction. For example: a recent bill in the Knesset wants to punish those
who support a boycott on the products of Israel, including – as it states
explicitly - the products of the settlements.
If the world protest is clearly
focused on the settlements, it will indeed cause many Israelis to realize that
there is a clear line between the legitimate State of Israel and the
illegitimate occupation.
That is also true for other parts of
the story. For example: the initiative to boycott the Caterpillar company,
whose monstrous bulldozers are a major weapon of the occupation. When the
heroic peace activist Rachel Corrie was crushed to death under one of them,
the company should have stopped all further supplies unless assured that they
would not be used for repression.
As long as suspected war criminals are
not brought to justice in Israel itself, one cannot object to the initiatives
to prosecute them abroad.
After this week’s decision by the main
Israeli theaters to perform in the settlements, it will be logical to boycott
them abroad. If they are so keen to make money in Ariel, they can’t complain
about losing money in Paris and London.
THE SECOND thing is the connection between these groups and the Israeli
public.
Today a large majority of Israelis say
that they want peace and are ready to pay the price, but that, unfortunately,
the Arabs don’t want peace. The mainstream peace camp, which could once bring
hundreds of thousands onto the street, is in a state of depression. It feels
isolated. Among other things, its once close connection with the Palestinians,
which was established at the time of Yasser Arafat after Oslo, has become very
loose. So have relations with the protest forces abroad.
If people of goodwill want to speed up
the end of the occupation, they must support the peace activists in Israel.
They should build a close connection with them, break the conspiracy of
silence against them in the world media and publicize their courageous
actions, organize more and more international events in which Palestinian and
Israeli peace activists will be present side by side. It would also be nice if
for every ten billionaires who finance the extreme Right in Israel, there were
at least one millionaire supporting action in pursuit of peace.
All this becomes impossible if there
is a call for a boycott on all Israelis, irrespective of their views and
actions, and Israel is presented as a monolithic monster. This picture is not
only false, it is extremely harmful.
Many of the activists who appear in
this report arouse respect and admiration. So much good will! So much courage!
If they point their activities in the right direction, they can do a lot of
good - good for the Palestinians, and good for us Israelis, too.